New York Times
June 1, 2013
The $2.7 Trillion Medical
Bill
By ELISABETH ROSENTHAL
Colonoscopies
Explain Why U.S. Leads the World in Health Expenditures
MERRICK, N.Y. — Deirdre
Yapalater’s recent colonoscopy
at a surgical center near her home here on Long Island went smoothly: she was
whisked from pre-op to an operating room where a gastroenterologist, assisted
by an anesthesiologist and a nurse, performed the routine cancer
screening procedure in less than an hour. The test, which found nothing
worrisome, racked up what is likely her most expensive medical bill of the
year: $6,385.
That is fairly typical:
in Keene, N.H., Matt Meyer’s colonoscopy was billed at $7,563.56. Maggie Christ
of Chappaqua, N.Y., received $9,142.84 in bills for the procedure. In Durham,
N.C., the charges for Curtiss Devereux came to $19,438, which included a polyp
removal. While their insurers negotiated down the price, the final tab for each
test was more than $3,500.
“Could that be right?”
said Ms. Yapalater, stunned by charges on the statement on her dining room
table. Although her insurer covered the procedure and she paid nothing, her
health care costs still bite: Her premium payments jumped 10 percent last year,
and rising co-payments and deductibles are straining the finances of her
middle-class family, with its mission-style house in the suburbs and two
S.U.V.’s parked outside. “You keep thinking it’s free,” she said. “We call it
free, but of course it’s not.”
In many other developed
countries, a basic colonoscopy costs just a few hundred dollars and certainly
well under $1,000. That chasm in price helps explain why the United States is
far and away the world leader in medical spending, even though numerous studies
have concluded that Americans do not get better care.
Whether directly from
their wallets or through insurance policies, Americans pay more for almost
every interaction with the medical system. They are typically prescribed more
expensive procedures and tests than people in other countries, no matter if
those nations operate a private or national health system. A list of drug, scan
and procedure prices compiled by the International Federation of Health Plans,
a global network of health insurers, found that the United States came out the
most costly in all 21 categories — and often by a huge margin.
Americans pay, on
average, about four times as much for a hip replacement as patients in Switzerland
or France and more than three times as much for a Caesarean
section as those in New Zealand or Britain. The average price for
Nasonex, a common nasal spray for allergies,
is $108 in the United States compared with
$21 in Spain. The costs of hospital stays here are about triple
those in other developed countries, even though they last no longer, according
to a recent report by the
Commonwealth Fund, a foundation that studies health policy.
While the United States
medical system is famous for drugs costing hundreds of thousands of dollars and
heroic care at the end of life, it turns out that a more significant factor in
the nation’s $2.7 trillion annual health care bill may not be the use of
extraordinary services, but the high price tag of ordinary ones. “The U.S. just
pays providers of health care much more for everything,” said Tom Sackville, chief
executive of the health plans federation and a former British health minister.
Colonoscopies offer a
compelling case study. They are the most expensive screening test that healthy
Americans routinely undergo — and often cost more than childbirth or an appendectomy
in most other developed countries. Their numbers have increased manyfold over
the last 15 years, with data from the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention suggesting that more than 10 million people get them each year,
adding up to more than $10 billion in annual costs.
Largely an office
procedure when widespread screening was first recommended, colonoscopies have
moved into surgery centers — which were created as a step down from costly
hospital care but are now often a lucrative step up from doctors’ examining
rooms — where they are billed like a quasi operation. They are often prescribed
and performed more frequently than medical guidelines recommend.
The high price paid for
colonoscopies mostly results not from top-notch patient care, according to
interviews with health care experts and economists, but from business plans
seeking to maximize revenue; haggling between hospitals and insurers that have
no relation to the actual costs of performing the procedure; and lobbying,
marketing and turf battles among specialists that increase patient fees.
While several cheaper and
less invasive tests to screen for colon cancer
are recommended as equally effective by the federal government’s expert panel on
preventive care — and are commonly used in other countries —
colonoscopy has become the go-to procedure in the United States. “We’ve
defaulted to by far the most expensive option, without much if any data to
support it,” said Dr. H. Gilbert Welch, a professor of medicine at the
Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice.
In coming months, The New
York Times will look at common procedures, drugs and medical encounters to
examine how the economic incentives underlying the fragmented health care
market in the United States have driven up costs, putting deep economic strains
on consumers and the country.
Hospitals, drug
companies, device makers, physicians and other providers can benefit by
charging inflated prices, favoring the most costly treatment options and
curbing competition that could give patients more, and cheaper, choices. And
almost every interaction can be an opportunity to send multiple, often opaque
bills with long lists of charges: $100 for the ice pack applied for 10 minutes
after a physical therapy
session, or $30,000 for the artificial joint implanted in surgery.
The United States spends
about 18 percent of its gross domestic product on health care, nearly twice as
much as most other developed countries. The Congressional Budget Office has
said that if medical costs continue to grow unabated, “total spending on health
care would eventually account for all of the country’s economic output.” And it
identified federal spending on government health programs as a primary cause
of long-term budget deficits.
While the rise in health
care spending in the United States has slowed in the past four years — to about
4 percent annually from about 8 percent — it is still expected to rise faster than
the gross domestic product. Aging baby boomers and tens of millions of patients
newly insured under the Affordable Care Act are likely to add to the burden.
With health insurance
premiums eating up ever more of her flat paycheck, Ms. Yapalater, a customer
relations specialist for a small Long Island company, recently decided to forgo
physical therapy for an injury sustained during Hurricane Sandy
because of high out-of-pocket expenses. She refused a dermatology medication
prescribed for her daughter when the pharmacist said the co-payment was $130.
“I said, ‘That’s impossible, I have insurance,’ ” Ms. Yapalater recalled. “I
called the dermatologist and asked for something cheaper, even if it’s not as
good.”
The more than $35,000
annually that Ms. Yapalater and her employer collectively pay in premiums — her
share is $15,000 — for her family’s Oxford Freedom Plan would be more than
sufficient to cover their medical needs in most other countries. She and her
husband, Jeff, 63, a sales and marketing consultant, have three children in
their 20s with good jobs. Everyone in the family exercises, and none has had a
serious illness.
Like the Yapalaters, many
other Americans have habits or traits that arguably could put the nation at the
low end of the medical cost spectrum. Patients in the United States make fewer
doctors’ visits and have fewer hospital stays than citizens of many other
developed countries, according to the Commonwealth Fund report. People in Japan
get more CT scans. People in Germany, Switzerland and Britain have more
frequent hip replacements. The American population is younger and has fewer
smokers than those in most other developed countries. Pushing costs in the
other direction, though, is that the United States has relatively high rates of
obesity
and limited access to routine care for the poor.
A major factor behind the
high costs is that the United States, unique among industrialized nations, does
not generally regulate or intervene in medical pricing, aside from setting
payment rates for Medicare
and Medicaid,
the government programs for older people and the poor. Many other countries
deliver health care on a private fee-for-service basis, as does much of the
American health care system, but they set rates as if health care were a public
utility or negotiate fees with providers and insurers nationwide, for example.
“In the U.S., we like to
consider health care a free market,” said Dr. David Blumenthal, president of
the Commonwealth Fund and a former adviser to President Obama. ”But it is a
very weird market, riddled with market failures.”
Consider this:
Consumers, the patients,
do not see prices until after a service is provided, if they see them at all.
And there is little quality data on hospitals and doctors to help determine
good value, aside from surveys conducted by popular Web sites and magazines.
Patients with insurance pay a tiny fraction of the bill, providing scant
disincentive for spending.
Even doctors often do not
know the costs of the tests and procedures they prescribe. When Dr. Michael
Collins, an internist in East Hartford, Conn., called the hospital that he is
affiliated with to price lab tests and a colonoscopy, he could not get an
answer. “It’s impossible for me to think about cost,” he said. “If you go to
the supermarket and there are no prices, how can you make intelligent
decisions?”
Instead, payments are
often determined in countless negotiations between a doctor, hospital or
pharmacy, and an insurer, with the result often depending on their relative
negotiating power. Insurers have limited incentive to bargain forcefully, since
they can raise premiums to cover costs.
“It all comes down to
market share, and very rarely is anyone looking out for the patient,” said Dr.
Jeffrey Rice, the chief executive of Healthcare Blue Book,
which tracks commercial insurance payments. “People think it’s like other
purchases: that if you pay more you get a better car. But in medicine, it’s not
like that.”
A Market Is Born
As the cases of bottled
water and energy drinks stacked in the corner of the Yapalaters’ dining room
attest, the family is cost conscious — especially since a photography business
long owned by the family succumbed eight years ago in the shift to digital
imaging. They moved out of Manhattan. They rent out their summer home on Fire
Island. They have put off restoring the wallpaper in their dining room.
And yet, Ms. Yapalater
recalled, she did not ask her doctors about the cost of her colonoscopy because
it was covered by insurance and because “if a doctor says you need it, you
don’t ask.” In many other countries, price lists of common procedures are
publicly available in every clinic and office. Here, it can be nearly
impossible to find out.
Until the last decade or
so, colonoscopies were mostly performed in doctors’ office suites and only on
patients at high risk for colon cancer, or to seek a diagnosis for intestinal
bleeding. But several highly publicized studies by gastroenterologists in 2000
and 2001 found that a colonoscopy detected early cancers and precancerous
growths in healthy people.
They did not directly
compare screening colonoscopies with far less invasive and cheaper screening
methods, including annual tests for blood in the stool or a sigmoidoscopy,
which looks at the lower colon where most cancers occur, every five years.
“The idea wasn’t to say
these growths would have been missed by the other methods, but people
extrapolated to that,” said Dr. Douglas Robertson, of the Department of
Veterans Affairs, which is beginning a large trial to compare the tests.
Experts agree that screening for
colon cancer is crucial, and a colonoscopy is intuitively appealing
because it looks directly at the entire colon and doctors can remove
potentially precancerous lesions that might not yet be prone to bleeding. But
studies have not clearly shown that a colonoscopy prevents colon cancer or
death better than the other screening methods. Indeed, some recent papers
suggest that it does not, in part because early lesions may be hard to see in
some parts of the colon.
But in 2000, the American
College of Gastroenterology anointed colonoscopy as “the preferred strategy”
for colon cancer prevention — and America followed.
Katie Couric, who lost
her husband to colorectal
cancer, had a colonoscopy on television that year, giving rise to
what medical journals called the “Katie Couric effect”: prompting patients to
demand the test. Gastroenterology groups successfully lobbied Congress to have
the procedure covered by Medicare for cancer screening every 10 years, effectively
meaning that commercial insurance plans would also have to provide coverage.
Though Medicare
negotiates for what are considered frugal prices, its database shows that it
paid an average of $531 to gastroenterologists for a colonoscopy in 2011. But
that does not include the payments for associated facility fees and to
anesthesiologists, which could double the cost or more. “As long as it’s deemed
medically necessary,” said Jonathan Blum, the deputy administrator at the
Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “we have to pay for it.”
If the American health
care system were a true market, the increased volume of colonoscopies — numbers
rose 50 percent from 2003 to 2009 for those with commercial insurance — might
have brought down the costs because of economies of scale and more competition.
Instead, it became a new business opportunity.
Profits Climb
Just as with real estate,
location matters in medicine. Although many procedures can be performed in
either a doctor’s office or a separate surgery center, prices generally
skyrocket at the special centers, as do profits. That is because insurers will
pay an additional “facility fee” to ambulatory surgery centers and hospitals
that is intended to cover their higher costs. And anesthesia,
more monitoring, a wristband and sometimes preoperative testing, along with
their extra costs, are more likely to be added on.
In Mount Kisco, N.Y.,
Maggie Christ had two colonoscopies two months apart, after her doctor decided
it was best to remove a growth that had been discovered during the first
procedure. They were performed by the same doctor, with the same sedation. The
first, in an outpatient surgery department, was billed at $9,142.84 (insurance
paid $5,742.67). The second, in the doctor’s office, was billed at $5,322.76
(insurance eventually paid $2,922.63) because there was no facility fee. “The
location was about accommodating the doctor’s schedule,” Ms. Christ said. “Why
would an insurance company approve this?”
Ms. Yapalater, a trim
woman who looks far younger than her 64 years, had two prior colonoscopies in
doctor’s offices (one turned up a polyp that required a five-year follow-up
instead of the usual 10 years). But for her routine colonoscopy this January,
Ms. Yapalater was referred to Dr. Felice Mirsky of Gastroenterology Associates,
a group practice in Garden City, N.Y., that performs the procedures at an
ambulatory surgery center called the Long Island Center for Digestive Health.
The doctors in the gastroenterology practice, which is just down the hall, are
owners of the center.
“It was very fancy, with
nurses and ORs,” Ms. Yapalater said. “It felt like you were in a hospital.”
That explains the fees.
“If you work as a ‘facility,’ you can charge a lot more for the same
procedure,” said Dr. Soeren Mattke, a senior scientist at the RAND Corporation.
The bills to Ms. Yapalater’s insurer reflected these charges: $1,075 for the
gastroenterologist, $2,400 for the anesthesia — and $2,910 for the facility
fee.
When popularized in the
1980s, outpatient surgical centers were hailed as a cost-saving innovation
because they cut down on expensive hospital stays for minor operations like knee arthroscopy.
But the cost savings have been offset as procedures once done in a doctor's
office have filled up the centers, and bills have multiplied.
It is a lucrative
migration. The Long Island center was set up with the help of a company based
in Pennsylvania called Physicians Endoscopy. On its Web site, the business
tells prospective physician partners that they can look forward to
“distributions averaging over $1.4 million a year to all owners,” “typically
100 percent return on capital investment within 18 months” and “a return on
investment of 500 percent to 2,000 percent over the initial seven years.”
Dr. Leonard Stein, the
senior partner in Gastroenterology Associates and medical director of the
surgery center, declined to discuss patient fees or the center’s profits,
citing privacy issues. But he said the center contracted with insurance
companies in the area to minimize patients' out-of-pocket costs.
In 2009, the last year
for which such statistics are available, gastroenterologists performed more
procedures in ambulatory surgery centers than specialists in any other field.
Once they bought into a center, studies show, the number of
procedures they performed rose 27 percent. The specialists earn an
average of $433,000 a year, among the highest paid doctors, according to
Merritt Hawkins & Associates, a medical staffing firm.
Hospitals and doctors say
that critics should not take the high “rack rates” in bills as reflective of
the cost of health care because insurers usually pay less. But those rates are
the starting point for negotiations with Medicare and private insurers. Those
without insurance or with high-deductible plans have little weight to reduce
the charges and often face the highest bills. Nassau Anesthesia Associates —
the group practice that handled Ms. Yapalater’s sedation — has sued dozens of
patients for nonpayment, including Larry Chin, a businessman from Hicksville,
N.Y., who said in court that he was then unemployed and uninsured. He was
billed $8,675 for anesthesia during cardiac surgery.
For the same service, the
anesthesia group accepted $6,970 from United Healthcare, $5,208.01 from Blue
Cross and Blue Shield, $1,605.29 from Medicare and $797.50 from Medicaid. A
judge ruled that Mr. Chin should pay $4,252.11.
Ms. Yapalater’s insurer
paid $1,568 of the $2,400 anesthesiologist’s charge for her colonoscopy, but
many medical experts question why anesthesiologists are involved at all.
Colonoscopies do not require general anesthesia — a deep sleep that suppresses
breathing and often requires a breathing tube. Instead, they require only
“moderate sedation,” generally with a Valium-like drug or a low dose of
propofol, an intravenous medicine that takes effect quickly and wears off
within minutes. In other countries, such sedative
mixes are administered in offices and hospitals by a wide range of doctors and
nurses for countless minor procedures, including colonoscopies.
Nonetheless, between 2003
and 2009, the use of an anesthesiologist for colonoscopies in the United States
doubled, according to a RAND Corporation
study published last year. Payments to anesthesiologists for
colonoscopies per patient quadrupled during that period, the researchers found,
estimating that ending the practice for healthy patients could save $1.1
billion a year because “studies have shown no benefit” for them, Dr. Mattke
said.
But turf battles and
lobbying have helped keep anesthesiologists in the room. When propofol won the
approval of the Food and Drug Administration in 1989 as an anesthesia drug, it
carried a label advising that it “should be administered only by those who are
trained in the administration of general anesthesia” because of concerns that
too high a dose could depress breathing and blood pressure
to a point requiring resuscitation.
Since 2005, the American
College of Gastroenterology has repeatedly pressed the F.D.A. to remove or amend
the restriction, arguing that gastroenterologists and their nurses are able to
safely administer the drug in lower doses as a sedative. But the American
Society of Anesthesiologists has aggressively lobbied for keeping the advisory,
which so far the F.D.A. has done.
A Food and Drug
Administration spokeswoman said that the label did not necessarily require an
anesthesiologist and that it was safe for the others to administer propofol if
they had appropriate training. But many gastroenterologists fear lawsuits if
something goes wrong. If anything, that concern has grown since Michael Jackson
died in 2009 after being given propofol, along with at least two other
sedatives, without close monitoring.
‘Too Much for Too Little’
The Department of
Veterans Affairs, which performs about a quarter-million colonoscopies
annually, does not routinely use an anesthesiologist for screening
colonoscopies. In Austria, where colonoscopies are also used widely for cancer
screening, the procedure is performed, with sedation, in the office by a doctor
and a nurse and “is very safe that way,” said Dr. Monika Ferlitsch, a
gastroenterologist and professor at the Medical University of Vienna, who
directs the national program on quality assurance.
But she noted that
gastroenterologists in Austria do have their financial concerns. They are
complaining to the government and insurers that they cannot afford to do the
30-minute procedure, with prep time, maintenance of equipment and anesthesia,
for the current approved rate — between $200 and $300, all included. “I think
the cheapest colonoscopy in the U.S. is about $950,” Dr. Ferlitsch said. “We’d
love to get half of that.”
Dr. Cesare Hassan, an
Italian gastroenterologist who is the chairman of the Guidelines Committee of
the European Society of Gastrointestinal Endoscopy, noted that studies in
Europe had estimated that the procedure cost about $400 to $800 to perform,
including biopsies and sedation. “The U.S. is paying way too much for too
little — it leads to opportunistic colonoscopies,” done for profit rather than
health, he said.
Some doctors in the
United States are campaigning against the overuse of the procedure, like Dr.
James Goodwin, a geriatrician at the University of Texas. He estimates that
about a quarter of Medicare patients undergo the screening test more often than
recommended, even though the risks of complications, like long
recovery times and poor tolerance of sedation, increase for older people.
Routine screening is not recommended for all people over 75.
And some large employers
have begun fighting back on costs. Three years ago, Safeway realized that it
was paying between $848 and $5,984 for a colonoscopy in California and could
find no link to the quality of service at those extremes. So the company
established an all-inclusive “reference price” it was willing to pay, which it
said was set at a level high enough to give employees access to a range of high-quality
options. Above that price, employees would have to pay the difference. Safeway
chose $1,250, one-third the amount paid for Ms. Yapalater’s procedure — and
found plenty of doctors willing to accept the price.
Still, the United States
health care industry is nimble at protecting profits. When Aetna tried in 2007
to disallow payment for anesthesiologists delivering propofol during
colonoscopies, the insurer backed down after a barrage of attacks from
anesthesiologists and endoscopy groups. With Medicare contemplating lowering
facility fees for ambulatory surgery centers, experts worry that
physician-owners will sell the centers to hospitals, where fees remain higher.
And then there is
aggressive marketing. People who do not have insurance or who are covered by
Medicaid typically get far less colon cancer screening than they need. But
those with insurance are appealing targets.
Nineteen months after
Matt Meyer, who owns a saddle-fitting company near Keene, N.H., had his first
colonoscopy, he received a certified letter from his gastroenterologist. It
began, “Our records show that you are due for a repeat colonoscopy,” and it
advised him to schedule an appointment or “allow us to note your reason for not
scheduling.” Although his prior test had found a polyp, medical guidelines do
not recommend such frequent screening.
“I have great doctors,
but the economics is daunting,” Mr. Meyer said in an interview. “A
computer-generated letter telling me to come in for a procedure that costs more
than $5,000? It was the weirdest thing.”
This article has been
revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: June 4, 2013
An earlier version of
this article misstated the year that Michael Jackson died. It was 2009, not
2010.
Jo Craven McGinty
contributed reporting.
This article has been
revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: June 9, 2013
An article last Sunday
about the high cost of colonoscopies in the United States misstated the year
that Michael Jackson died, after which gastroenterologists became more cautious
about administering the sedative propofol for fear of lawsuits. It was 2009,
not 2010.
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